Esta entrevista del verano de 2006 es una de las intervenciones que más ha circulado por la red del contundente George Galloway, miembro experimentado del Parlamento británico, líder del partido Re...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=d32MbbAjNCg
Showing posts with label Israel. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Israel. Show all posts
Wednesday, March 11, 2009
análisis sistemático de los hechos y de las verdades escondidas que roden el conflicto Israelo-Palestino
“Ocupación 101″ presenta un análisis sistemático de los hechos y de las verdades escondidas que roden el conflicto Israelo-Palestino, y devela muchos de los mitos y concepciones erróneas aumidos por largo tiempo. La película también detalla la vida bajo el régimen militar israelí, el papel de EEUU en el conflicto y los principales obstáculos que impiden una paz duradera y viable. Directores: Sufyan Omeish y Abdallah Omeish Trip’Ol’11 Productions, 2006)
Le bajan a la música!
Ver Documental
Le bajan a la música!
Ver Documental
Thursday, February 05, 2009
Turkish snub changes Middle East game
By M K Bhadrakumar
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/KB04Ak01.html
There are different ways of looking at the Justice and Democratic Party, or AKP, which rules Turkey. Militant secularists and Kemalists allege it is a Trojan horse of Salafists whose members masquerade as democrats. Others say the AKP is so extremely moderate that it might get ostracized as infidel if it were transplanted to Iran or Afghanistan.
But it appears there could be a third way - looking at the AKP as a progeny of the 30-year-old Iranian revolution. At least, that is how Ali Akbar Nateq Nouri thinks. He is one of Iran's senior clerics, used to be a speaker of the Majlis (parliament) and now holds the exalted position of advisor to Supreme Leader Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Nouri explained last Sunday, "When Iranians talked of 'exporting' their revolution, they did not mean manufacturing something and
then exporting it to other countries by trucks or ships; rather, they meant transmitting the message of their revolution and conveying its doctrine." Nouri said he felt inspired to claim the AKP as a fine legacy of the Iranian revolution by the fact it is in Turkey that the "most beautiful demonstrations on the Gaza issue" were held in recent weeks.
A mighty snub
He may have gone slightly overboard by claiming that even the Turkish army "which had certain records, has changed now". All the same, the point is well taken that "things have changed" in Turkey, as Nouri put it, which is what the avalanche of popular support for Hamas in its battle with Israel showed.
In particular, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's public snub of Israeli President Shimon Peres last Thursday in a television chat show on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum meet in the Swiss resort of Davos has caught the imagination of the Islamic world and cuts across the Shi'ite-Sunni divide. All of a sudden, Erdogan takes the form of a latter-day Ottoman sultan with an empire that spreads all across the fertile Mesopotamian planes, the Arabian desserts, the Nile Valley, the Levant and the Maghreb, all the way into the heart of Africa.
Erdogan, a back-street boy from the working-class district of Kasimpasa in Istanbul, has come a long way in his tumultuous political career. He is undoubtedly one of Turkey's most charismatic and gifted politicians. His place in Turkey's pantheon of leaders is secure. All the same, he couldn't have fancied that one day he would be proposed for the Nobel Peace Prize - or that his sponsor would be a revered religious figure in the world of Shi'ism.
Addressing a gathering of theological students on Sunday in the holy Iranian city of Qom, Ayatollah Naser Makarem-Shirazi did precisely that. Erdogan's protest, the ayatollah said, has had a profound effect on regional security, and it has strengthened the Palestinian resistance and humiliated and further isolated the "Zionist regime".
Erdogan's "claim" to a Nobel Prize tenuously hangs on the 56 words he spoke at the Davos television show, when he told off Peres, "You are older than me and your voice is very loud. The reason for your raising your voice is the psychology of guilt. I will not raise my voice that much. When it comes to killing, you know very well how to kill. I know very well how you hit and killed children on the beaches."
Muslim alienation
It certainly speaks something of the profound alienation gripping the Middle East today that the resonance of a mere cluster of 56 words spoken in anguish about justice, honor and equity should so stubbornly refuse to die down. Erdogan overnight joins Lebanon's Hassan Nasrullah of Hezbollah and Iran's President Mahmud Ahmadinejad who criss-cross with enviable abandon the historic sectarian divides in the Muslim world. Surely, some food for thought for US President Barack Obama.
Erdogan returned from Davos to Istanbul to a hero's welcome. Opinion polls show that over 80% of Turks endorse his sharp retort and his "walkout" from the TV show. The AKP's popularity is soaring above 50%, so much so that the opposition parties, which had hoped to cash in on Turkey's economic problems in local elections in end-March, feel crestfallen.
In Gaza itself, Erdogan has overnight become an iconic figure, so much so that the pro-West Arab rulers look embarrassed - as indeed is "Abu Mazen" (Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas), who nonchalantly heads the Palestinian Authority. Of course, there is no way Saudi Arabia or Egypt will surrender the mantle of leadership to Turkey. But from now, they will need to seriously factor that Turkey's shadows are deepening on the Middle Eastern Sunni Muslim landscape.
Iran is plainly delighted. The powerful head of Iran's Guardian Council, Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, shot off a message to Erdogan, saying, "Your epic stand has pleased Hamas and its supporters and humiliated the lackey leaders of several Arab states."
'Neo-Ottomanism' gathers pace
In Turkey itself, the ricochet has ripped open the country's split identity. The oligarchy of Westernized Turkish elites based in Istanbul feels scandalized that Erdogan might have marred the cultivated image of the civilized Turk in Europe. With his sense of history and culture, the Anatolian Turk, on the other hand, feels jubilant that Erdogan is reclaiming Turkey's long-lost habitation in its ancestral home in the Muslim Middle East.
To be sure, the AKP's agenda of "neo-Ottomanism" took a quantum leap last week. An engrossing phase is about to commence where the primacy may incrementally come to lie on the rediscovery of Turkey's imperial legacy while the country continues its search for a new national consensus that can reconcile the Turk's many identities.
Under the seven-year AKP rule, Turkey began the painful process of coming to terms with its Muslim and Ottoman heritage. Contrary to general impressions, neo-Ottomanism is neither Islamist nor imperialistic. Arguably, it uses the common denominator of Islam to derive a less ethnic idea of "Turkishness" that is much more in harmony than militant secularism ever could be with the multi-ethnic character of the Turkish state.
But in foreign policy, "neo-Ottomanism" has a more grandiose agenda. As prominent columnist Omer Taspinar of Turkey's Zaman newspaper wrote, "Neo-Ottomanism sees Turkey as a regional superpower. Its strategic vision and culture reflects the geographic reach of the Ottoman and Byzantine empires. Turkey, as a pivotal state, should thus play a very active diplomatic, political and diplomatic role in a wide region of which it is the 'center'." Unsurprisingly, Erdogan's critics among the Westernized elites in Istanbul and Ankara view any such pan-Turkic or Islamic openings in foreign policy as adventurous and ultimately harmful to Turkey's interests.
To quote a top Turkish commentator, Mehmet Ali Birand, of CNN Turk, Erdogan has "disturbed" a delicate balance in Ankara's foreign policy and "put himself and his country in a risky position ... It will be interpreted as a slow drift away from the Israel-United States-European Union-Egypt-Saudi Arabia camp ... Even if relations with Israel are not ceased, the color will start to change from now on and turn toward dislike. If not balanced immediately, relations between Israel and Turkey will not recover easily. The reflections will be seen in Washington and on the money markets."
However, Birand's panicky prognosis seems presumptuous. There is no basis to the argument that "neo-Ottomanism" means Turkey turns its back on the West. As Taspinar pointed out, after all, the Ottoman Empire was known as the "sick man of Europe" and not of Asia or Arabia. The European legacy of being open to the West and Western influence was a constant feature of the Ottoman era. Erdogan's ambitious regional policy in the Middle East, therefore, should not be construed as sidestepping an active pursuit of European Union membership or good relations with Washington.
Turkish-Israeli ties under cloud
No doubt, Israel's Gaza offensive and Erdogan's Davos episode have created fractures in Turkish-Israeli strategic ties. But the question is whether the damage is serious enough to start a major realignment in the region. The high probability is that with the cooling of tempers, the Turkish-Israeli relationship as such will recover.
The Turkish military has let it be known that there is no rollback in cooperation with Israel. It said Turkey's military cooperation with all countries, including Israel, was based on national interests and no difficulties were foreseen in the scheduled delivery by Israel of high-tech Heron Unmanned Aerial Vehicles.
Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni said, "There is a rift in our relations. This cannot be hidden. But these relations are very important for both countries." She took note that Ankara was "drawing a distinction between bilateral ties and the censure they are leveling at us over the [Gaza] operation". Jewish groups based in the US are also trying to calm the agitation in Turkish-Israeli relations.
Conceivably, Erdogan harbors a sense of betrayal. He told the Washington Post that Turkish mediation had brought Israel and Syria "very close" to direct peace talks on the future of the Golan Heights. During the visit by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to Ankara on December 23, not only did he hide from Erdogan that Israel was planning to attack Gaza four days later, but he assured the Turkish leader that as soon as he got back, he would consult his colleagues and come back on the talks with Syria.
While Olmert was in Ankara, Erdogan telephoned Hamas leader Ismail Haniye in Gaza and consulted him on the issues to be discussed with the visiting Israeli prime minister. Quite understandably, Erdogan felt let down. "This operation [in Gaza] also shows disrespect to Turkey," he said. Israel is used to acting solely in its self-interest. But Erdogan is a proud Turk for whom loss of face is simply unacceptable.
Israel's need of Turkey
Meanwhile, Turkey erupted into massive anti-Israeli public demonstrations over reports of Israeli atrocities in Gaza. Turkey's highest policy-making body, the National Security Council, which is chaired by the president and comprises the prime minister and the military chiefs, said in a statement on December 30 that Israel should cease military operations immediately, give diplomacy a chance and allow humanitarian aid to reach the people of Gaza.
But Israel took the Turkish criticism in its stride. Israel said Erdogan was being "emotional". Erdogan shot back: "I am not emotional. I am speaking as a grandson of the Ottoman Empire, which welcomed your forefathers when they were exiled ... History will accuse them [Olmert and Livni] of putting a stain on humanity ... It is unforgivable that a people who in their history suffered so profoundly could do such a thing."
On balance, it hurts Israel more than Turkey that a trust deficit has developed. Turkey has many friends in the region, whereas Israel has hardly any. Turkey is an irreplaceable ally for Israel not only in the Middle East but in the entire Muslim world. With the expected US-Iranian engagement and the ensuing realignment in the region, Israel (and the pro-West Arab states) needs Turkey as a "balancer" more than any time before. Iraq cannot play that role anymore. As the effusive Iranian salute to Erdogan shows, Tehran is acutely conscious of the new imperatives, too.
Beyond all that, an ageless concern that Israel ought to sit up and take note is that for the first time in the Anatolian heartland, a surge of anti-Semitism is visible. If the Ottoman era's fabulous record of providing asylum for any wandering Jew is indeed becoming a relic of history, don't ask who is responsible. Israel's leaders must take the blame for it.
Ambassador M K Bhadrakumar was a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign Service. His assignments included the Soviet Union, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Germany, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kuwait and Turkey.
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/KB04Ak01.html
There are different ways of looking at the Justice and Democratic Party, or AKP, which rules Turkey. Militant secularists and Kemalists allege it is a Trojan horse of Salafists whose members masquerade as democrats. Others say the AKP is so extremely moderate that it might get ostracized as infidel if it were transplanted to Iran or Afghanistan.
But it appears there could be a third way - looking at the AKP as a progeny of the 30-year-old Iranian revolution. At least, that is how Ali Akbar Nateq Nouri thinks. He is one of Iran's senior clerics, used to be a speaker of the Majlis (parliament) and now holds the exalted position of advisor to Supreme Leader Grand Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
Nouri explained last Sunday, "When Iranians talked of 'exporting' their revolution, they did not mean manufacturing something and
then exporting it to other countries by trucks or ships; rather, they meant transmitting the message of their revolution and conveying its doctrine." Nouri said he felt inspired to claim the AKP as a fine legacy of the Iranian revolution by the fact it is in Turkey that the "most beautiful demonstrations on the Gaza issue" were held in recent weeks.
A mighty snub
He may have gone slightly overboard by claiming that even the Turkish army "which had certain records, has changed now". All the same, the point is well taken that "things have changed" in Turkey, as Nouri put it, which is what the avalanche of popular support for Hamas in its battle with Israel showed.
In particular, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan's public snub of Israeli President Shimon Peres last Thursday in a television chat show on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum meet in the Swiss resort of Davos has caught the imagination of the Islamic world and cuts across the Shi'ite-Sunni divide. All of a sudden, Erdogan takes the form of a latter-day Ottoman sultan with an empire that spreads all across the fertile Mesopotamian planes, the Arabian desserts, the Nile Valley, the Levant and the Maghreb, all the way into the heart of Africa.
Erdogan, a back-street boy from the working-class district of Kasimpasa in Istanbul, has come a long way in his tumultuous political career. He is undoubtedly one of Turkey's most charismatic and gifted politicians. His place in Turkey's pantheon of leaders is secure. All the same, he couldn't have fancied that one day he would be proposed for the Nobel Peace Prize - or that his sponsor would be a revered religious figure in the world of Shi'ism.
Addressing a gathering of theological students on Sunday in the holy Iranian city of Qom, Ayatollah Naser Makarem-Shirazi did precisely that. Erdogan's protest, the ayatollah said, has had a profound effect on regional security, and it has strengthened the Palestinian resistance and humiliated and further isolated the "Zionist regime".
Erdogan's "claim" to a Nobel Prize tenuously hangs on the 56 words he spoke at the Davos television show, when he told off Peres, "You are older than me and your voice is very loud. The reason for your raising your voice is the psychology of guilt. I will not raise my voice that much. When it comes to killing, you know very well how to kill. I know very well how you hit and killed children on the beaches."
Muslim alienation
It certainly speaks something of the profound alienation gripping the Middle East today that the resonance of a mere cluster of 56 words spoken in anguish about justice, honor and equity should so stubbornly refuse to die down. Erdogan overnight joins Lebanon's Hassan Nasrullah of Hezbollah and Iran's President Mahmud Ahmadinejad who criss-cross with enviable abandon the historic sectarian divides in the Muslim world. Surely, some food for thought for US President Barack Obama.
Erdogan returned from Davos to Istanbul to a hero's welcome. Opinion polls show that over 80% of Turks endorse his sharp retort and his "walkout" from the TV show. The AKP's popularity is soaring above 50%, so much so that the opposition parties, which had hoped to cash in on Turkey's economic problems in local elections in end-March, feel crestfallen.
In Gaza itself, Erdogan has overnight become an iconic figure, so much so that the pro-West Arab rulers look embarrassed - as indeed is "Abu Mazen" (Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas), who nonchalantly heads the Palestinian Authority. Of course, there is no way Saudi Arabia or Egypt will surrender the mantle of leadership to Turkey. But from now, they will need to seriously factor that Turkey's shadows are deepening on the Middle Eastern Sunni Muslim landscape.
Iran is plainly delighted. The powerful head of Iran's Guardian Council, Ayatollah Ahmad Jannati, shot off a message to Erdogan, saying, "Your epic stand has pleased Hamas and its supporters and humiliated the lackey leaders of several Arab states."
'Neo-Ottomanism' gathers pace
In Turkey itself, the ricochet has ripped open the country's split identity. The oligarchy of Westernized Turkish elites based in Istanbul feels scandalized that Erdogan might have marred the cultivated image of the civilized Turk in Europe. With his sense of history and culture, the Anatolian Turk, on the other hand, feels jubilant that Erdogan is reclaiming Turkey's long-lost habitation in its ancestral home in the Muslim Middle East.
To be sure, the AKP's agenda of "neo-Ottomanism" took a quantum leap last week. An engrossing phase is about to commence where the primacy may incrementally come to lie on the rediscovery of Turkey's imperial legacy while the country continues its search for a new national consensus that can reconcile the Turk's many identities.
Under the seven-year AKP rule, Turkey began the painful process of coming to terms with its Muslim and Ottoman heritage. Contrary to general impressions, neo-Ottomanism is neither Islamist nor imperialistic. Arguably, it uses the common denominator of Islam to derive a less ethnic idea of "Turkishness" that is much more in harmony than militant secularism ever could be with the multi-ethnic character of the Turkish state.
But in foreign policy, "neo-Ottomanism" has a more grandiose agenda. As prominent columnist Omer Taspinar of Turkey's Zaman newspaper wrote, "Neo-Ottomanism sees Turkey as a regional superpower. Its strategic vision and culture reflects the geographic reach of the Ottoman and Byzantine empires. Turkey, as a pivotal state, should thus play a very active diplomatic, political and diplomatic role in a wide region of which it is the 'center'." Unsurprisingly, Erdogan's critics among the Westernized elites in Istanbul and Ankara view any such pan-Turkic or Islamic openings in foreign policy as adventurous and ultimately harmful to Turkey's interests.
To quote a top Turkish commentator, Mehmet Ali Birand, of CNN Turk, Erdogan has "disturbed" a delicate balance in Ankara's foreign policy and "put himself and his country in a risky position ... It will be interpreted as a slow drift away from the Israel-United States-European Union-Egypt-Saudi Arabia camp ... Even if relations with Israel are not ceased, the color will start to change from now on and turn toward dislike. If not balanced immediately, relations between Israel and Turkey will not recover easily. The reflections will be seen in Washington and on the money markets."
However, Birand's panicky prognosis seems presumptuous. There is no basis to the argument that "neo-Ottomanism" means Turkey turns its back on the West. As Taspinar pointed out, after all, the Ottoman Empire was known as the "sick man of Europe" and not of Asia or Arabia. The European legacy of being open to the West and Western influence was a constant feature of the Ottoman era. Erdogan's ambitious regional policy in the Middle East, therefore, should not be construed as sidestepping an active pursuit of European Union membership or good relations with Washington.
Turkish-Israeli ties under cloud
No doubt, Israel's Gaza offensive and Erdogan's Davos episode have created fractures in Turkish-Israeli strategic ties. But the question is whether the damage is serious enough to start a major realignment in the region. The high probability is that with the cooling of tempers, the Turkish-Israeli relationship as such will recover.
The Turkish military has let it be known that there is no rollback in cooperation with Israel. It said Turkey's military cooperation with all countries, including Israel, was based on national interests and no difficulties were foreseen in the scheduled delivery by Israel of high-tech Heron Unmanned Aerial Vehicles.
Israeli Foreign Minister Tzipi Livni said, "There is a rift in our relations. This cannot be hidden. But these relations are very important for both countries." She took note that Ankara was "drawing a distinction between bilateral ties and the censure they are leveling at us over the [Gaza] operation". Jewish groups based in the US are also trying to calm the agitation in Turkish-Israeli relations.
Conceivably, Erdogan harbors a sense of betrayal. He told the Washington Post that Turkish mediation had brought Israel and Syria "very close" to direct peace talks on the future of the Golan Heights. During the visit by Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert to Ankara on December 23, not only did he hide from Erdogan that Israel was planning to attack Gaza four days later, but he assured the Turkish leader that as soon as he got back, he would consult his colleagues and come back on the talks with Syria.
While Olmert was in Ankara, Erdogan telephoned Hamas leader Ismail Haniye in Gaza and consulted him on the issues to be discussed with the visiting Israeli prime minister. Quite understandably, Erdogan felt let down. "This operation [in Gaza] also shows disrespect to Turkey," he said. Israel is used to acting solely in its self-interest. But Erdogan is a proud Turk for whom loss of face is simply unacceptable.
Israel's need of Turkey
Meanwhile, Turkey erupted into massive anti-Israeli public demonstrations over reports of Israeli atrocities in Gaza. Turkey's highest policy-making body, the National Security Council, which is chaired by the president and comprises the prime minister and the military chiefs, said in a statement on December 30 that Israel should cease military operations immediately, give diplomacy a chance and allow humanitarian aid to reach the people of Gaza.
But Israel took the Turkish criticism in its stride. Israel said Erdogan was being "emotional". Erdogan shot back: "I am not emotional. I am speaking as a grandson of the Ottoman Empire, which welcomed your forefathers when they were exiled ... History will accuse them [Olmert and Livni] of putting a stain on humanity ... It is unforgivable that a people who in their history suffered so profoundly could do such a thing."
On balance, it hurts Israel more than Turkey that a trust deficit has developed. Turkey has many friends in the region, whereas Israel has hardly any. Turkey is an irreplaceable ally for Israel not only in the Middle East but in the entire Muslim world. With the expected US-Iranian engagement and the ensuing realignment in the region, Israel (and the pro-West Arab states) needs Turkey as a "balancer" more than any time before. Iraq cannot play that role anymore. As the effusive Iranian salute to Erdogan shows, Tehran is acutely conscious of the new imperatives, too.
Beyond all that, an ageless concern that Israel ought to sit up and take note is that for the first time in the Anatolian heartland, a surge of anti-Semitism is visible. If the Ottoman era's fabulous record of providing asylum for any wandering Jew is indeed becoming a relic of history, don't ask who is responsible. Israel's leaders must take the blame for it.
Ambassador M K Bhadrakumar was a career diplomat in the Indian Foreign Service. His assignments included the Soviet Union, South Korea, Sri Lanka, Germany, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kuwait and Turkey.
Friday, January 16, 2009
Thursday, January 15, 2009
Judaïsme et sionisme: Deux pensées opposées
Publié par quebecsocialiste sur 14 janvier, 2009
Un texte à lire absolument pour ceux qui se demandent si leur opposition à l’agression brutale sioniste, ou au sionisme lui-même, fait d’eux des “anti-sémites”. Un texte écrit par Yakov Rabkin, un juif courageux et impliqué dans la résistance intellectuelle juive à la machine de propagande sioniste, dont font partie les extrémistes menteurs du “Comité Québec-Israël”, machine de propagande qui n’hésite jamais à user de la répression contre ses critiques juives gênantes, poussant souvent le ridicule jusqu’à les qualifier de “juifs qui se haïssent”. Un portait de la lutte menée par les juifs modérés contre le nationalisme fasciste autodestructeur prôné par des idéologues sionistes déconnectés de la réalité et une “presse libre” occidentale tellement lâche dans sa crainte de choquer, qu’elle joue en fait parfaitement le jeu des sionistes, particulièrement en qualifiant à longueur de journée Israël, dont le cinquième de la population à l’intérieur des frontières “officielles” est arabe (sans compter les palestiniens vivants dans “leurs territoires” qui ne sont en fait que d’énormes camps de réfugiés avec les colons juifs fanatiques qui les harcèlent sans cesse), “d’état hébreu” et “d’état juif”, tout en ne critiquant que rarement les crimes de guerre et crimes contre l’humanité commis par l’armée terroriste Tsahal, armée de gens ”brainwashés” dès l’école primaire à haïr les arabes, armée au service de l’establishment impérialiste sioniste. Bref, chers lecteurs et lectrices, voici le texte en question:
Bande de Gaza: Les juifs sont déchirés
L’attaque israélienne contre les Palestiniens de Gaza a creusé davantage le fossé parmi les juifs au sujet d’Israël et du sionisme. Nombreux sont les juifs qui tentent d’aborder la question des contradictions existant entre le judaïsme tel qu’ils le professent et l’idéologie sioniste qui s’est emparée d’eux. Et ceci au moment où de profondes préoccupations sur ce que fait l’État d’Israël soulève l’ire des peuples à travers la planète, dont les juifs constituent à peine deux millièmes de la population.
Ce rappel est important vu l’ampleur des problèmes que soulève le comportement de l’État d’Israël qui prétend d’agir au nom de tous les juifs. Cette prétention est d’autant plus dangereuse que les médias à travers le monde associent automatiquement cet État avec les juifs en le surnommant «l’État juif» ou «l’État hébreu». Les juifs de différents pays se trouvent donc otages des actes d’un État étranger dont ils n’ont aucun contrôle.
Certains juifs demandent maintenant publiquement si l’État nation ethnique, source de la violence incessante au Moyen-Orient, est «bon pour les juifs». Beaucoup parmi eux sont perturbés par le fait que le sionisme militant détruit les valeurs morales juives et met en danger les juifs en Israël et ailleurs. Cette discussion est également entrée dans le champ de la culture populaire: le dernier film israélien Valse avec Bachir se focalise sur le coût moral pour Israël qu’entraîne l’utilisation permanente de la force.
Or, certains juifs, tant en Israël qu’ailleurs ont depuis longtemps échangé leurs valeurs morales contre un nationalisme débridé. Ce sont eux qui se positionnent comme «les» représentants de «la» communauté juive. En fait, ils agissent comme agents de l’État d’Israël et, en le faisant, mettent en danger les juifs qu’ils prétendent représenter.
Le lobby israélien aligné sur les positions des nationalistes de la droite israélienne vilipende toute critique d’Israël, dont plusieurs livres édités lors des dernières années - Prophets Outcast, Wrestling With Zion, The Question of Zion, The Myths of Zionism - tous écrits par des juifs qui sont préoccupés par ce même conflit entre le sionisme et les valeurs juives. Le lobby israélien dénonce tout juif qui proteste comme «traître» ou bien comme «juif qui se haït». Mais l’ampleur de la protestation ne cesse d’augmenter. Elle couvre tout un spectre de juifs, des rabbins hassidiques d’un côté, en passant par l’ancien président de la Knesset, jusqu’aux anarchistes israéliens de l’autre.
Il y a quelques jours, à Londres, le rabbin Avraham Greenberg, barbu et en chapeau noir, brûle son passeport israélien devant une foule manifestant contre l’attaque israélienne. Dans une entrevue après la manifestation, il explique que, selon la tradition juive, il est impérieux de parler ouvertement lorsque la réputation du judaïsme est profanée. Il n’offre aucune analyse politique de la réalité au Moyen-Orient, mais souligne que l’idée même d’un État réservé aux juifs, et le prix humain et moral qu’il exige, va a l’encontre de tout ce que le judaïsme enseigne, en particulier les valeurs clés de l’humilité, de la compassion et de la bonté. Il conclut que l’État d’Israël constitue «le plus grand danger pour les juifs».
En Israël même, nombreux sont ceux qui s’opposent fermement à l’idée même d’attaquer Gaza. Le vétéran de la presse et de la politique israélienne Uri Avnery compare l’attaque au siège de Leningrad et le bombardement de Londres par les forces nazies lors de la Seconde guerre mondiale. Ce genre de comparaison - que peu de journaux occidentaux auraient osé publier de peur d’être accusé «d’antisémitisme» - est monnaie courante en Israël. En fait, les dénonciations les plus fermes de la politique israélienne proviennent des juifs israéliens qui sont autant divisés que leurs coreligionnaires ailleurs.
À Montréal, la succursale locale du groupement international Voix juives indépendantes/Independent Jewish Voices monte un piquet devant une synagogue qui sert de lieu d’un rassemblement sioniste pour appuyer - sans broncher – les actions d’Israël. Ils portent une pancarte «Juifs pour Gaza» et soulignent que «ce pays voyou» n’agit pas à leur nom.
Plus de six cents juifs ont signé un appel aux soldats israéliens de désobéir et de déserter. Cet appel est également signé par une brochette d’organisations juives, toutes opposées à ce que fait, voire ce qu’est l’État d’Israël. Car la dernière attaque israélienne souligne de nouveau un fait essentiel mais souvent occulté: c’est la vision sioniste de l’État d’Israël comme une ethnocratie exclusive qui est à la racine des violences qui secouent la Terre sainte depuis six décennies. Tandis que partout au monde, de l’Iran au Canada, les juifs vivent en paix parmi d’autres groupes, ce n’est qu’en Israël qu’ils se sont ségrégués dans un ghetto armé qui ne leur pourvoie guère la sécurité et menace tous les autres autour.
Il reste à voir si la rupture entre ceux qui s’en remettent a la tradition morale juive et les convertis au nationalisme juif peut un jour être réduite. Tous ceux qui perpétuent l’association automatique des juifs à l’État d’Israël ne font pas seulement une grave erreur ils contribuent ainsi à la cause sioniste.
L’auteur (Yakov Rabkin) est professeur d’histoire à l’Université de Montréal; son dernier ouvrage est Au nom de la Torah: une histoire de l’opposition juive au sionisme (PUL).
http://reactionismwatch.wordpress.com/
Les eurodéputés dénoncent le "châtiment collectif" infligé aux Palestiniens
e Parlement européen a dénoncé jeudi "le châtiment collectif" infligé par les Israéliens aux Palestiniens de la bande de Gaza, estimant que cela constituait une violation du "droit humanitaire international"."L'embargo sur la bande de Gaza représente un châtiment collectif en contradiction avec le droit humanitaire international", estiment les eurodéputés dans une résolution adoptée à main levée, sans aucune voix contre.
Ils demandent également "à Israël de remplir les obligations qui lui incombent en vertu du droit international et du droit humanitaire international".
Les parlementaires européens, qui réclament un "cessez-le-feu immédiat et permanent", appellent d'autre part à la mise en place par la communauté internationale d'"un mécanisme" pouvant "inclure l'envoi d'une mission multinationale investie d'un mandat clair pour rétablir la sécurité et garantir le respect du cessez-le-feu".
Ils appellent également l'UE "à adopter une position politique plus ferme et plus unie".
La résolution ne fait en revanche aucune référence à la question de l'intensifisation des relations UE-Israël, alors que de nombreux députés de tous bords avaient réclamé ces derniers jours une suspension de ce processus devant aboutir dans les prochains mois à un accord approfondi avec Israël.
Le Parlement se déclare aussi "choqué par les souffrances infligées à la population civile de Gaza" et "déplore vivement en particulier que des cibles civiles et des Nations-Unies aient été touchées pendant les attaques".
La principale agence de l'ONU d'aide aux réfugiés palestiniens (Unrwa) a annoncé jeudi la suspension de ses opérations à Gaza après la chute d'obus israéliens sur son complexe.
Certains députés, dont le président du groupe de la Gauche unitaire européenne Francis Wurtz qui portait une pancarte "Arrêtez la guerre à Gaza", ont informé leurs collègues en plénière de cette attaque contre l'Unrwa. Mais la résolution, déjà rédigée, n'a pas été modifiée pour répondre à cet événement.
Le Parlement réclame enfin à Israël de "garantir le libre accès de l'aide humanitaire à la bande de Gaza" ainsi que l'accès de la presse internationale.
Depuis le début de l'offensive israélienne le 27 décembre, 1.065 Palestiniens ont été tués, dont 355 enfants et 100 femmes et plus de 5.000 autres blessés, selon un dernier bilan fourni à l'AFP par le chef des services d'urgence à Gaza, Mouawiya Hassanein.
Tuesday, January 13, 2009
Gaza Holocaust
"I believe in Justice.We need to reach the World. We need to think about Palestinian struggle as part of the human suffering in the process of decolonization. We are not alone. And we do not have monopoly on suffering. "
This set of photos were collected from news agencies and posted here to shine some light on Gaza's suffering. This set of photos is not mine. I posted them here as a protest against the senseless violence that is happening in GAZA!
http://www.flickr.com/photos/anwarhit/sets/72157611917916531/
This set of photos were collected from news agencies and posted here to shine some light on Gaza's suffering. This set of photos is not mine. I posted them here as a protest against the senseless violence that is happening in GAZA!
http://www.flickr.com/photos/anwarhit/sets/72157611917916531/
Gaza : The untold story
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=so6NaUDb0p4&eurl=http://tamem.wordpress.com/2009/01/06/1-60/
Palestina: el delito de existir
Santiago Alba Rico
Este escritor y arabista residente en Túnez analiza la moral colonial de Israel y Occidente en la ocupación de Palestina.
Prometida en 1917 a los judíos por Inglaterra, y no por Dios, hace 60 años las potencias coloniales occidentales entregaron Palestina con todos sus habitantes a una pequeña secta hebrea europea para que gestionara sus intereses en Oriente Próximo. Desde entonces, EE UU, la UE y los gobiernos árabes ancilares vienen concediendo medios y autorización al sionismo para administrar libremente el dolor de la población nativa y planificar a voluntad su linchamiento minucioso: expulsiones, masacres, limpieza étnica, destrucción de casas; asedio medieval por hambre, prisión, tortura, muros, bombardeos... Israel prolonga voluptuosamente un genocidio homeopático al que ha sucumbido ya la autoridad jurídica y moral de la ONU. Desde el principio Israel, que nunca pensó compartir el territorio palestino con sus legítimos propietarios, osciló entre la tentación de la “solución final” y la conservación de una reducida reserva nativa para uso al mismo tiempo ideológico y económico. En el ámbito internacional, el asesinato de palestinos legitima a Israel, que debe conservar algunos con vida para seguir matándolos y embelleciéndose; en el orden interno, el voto democrático de los israelíes recompensa la oferta en cadáveres palestinos de los candidatos; en términos económicos, Israel depende hoy más que nunca del negocio de la guerra y la seguridad. A veces cuesta reprimirse, pero el pragmatismo impone matar a los palestinos poco a poco; y a nosotros nos exige admirar y aplaudir a Israel por su disciplina y magnanimidad.
A los nazis nadie los comparaba con los nazis: bastaba con llamarlos asesinos. En todo caso, lo que parece que inhabilita la comparación es el hecho de que los israelíes matan palestinos y no europeos, mientras que el horror inigualable del nazismo consistió –como bien explicaba Simone Weil– en que el III Reich hizo con nosotros lo mismo que nosotros habíamos hecho siempre con los pueblos colonizados.
El linchamiento de Gaza parece perfectamente compatible con la afirmación de nuestros valores superiores. Cuando se linchaban a negros en los EE UU, y las fotografías de sus cadáveres se enviaban como felicitaciones de cumpleaños o de Navidad, lo que habían hecho –y que justificaba su ahorcamiento sin juicio– resplandecía amenazador en lo que eran. Así ocurre con los palestinos. La agresión palestina a Israel es ontológicamente anterior a la ocupación sionista, es lo primero de todo: es sencillamente su existencia. Sus gemidos son “fanáticos”, su llanto “antisemita”, su rabia –claro– “terrorista”. Sólo en este sentido puede decirse que los bombardeos de Gaza son “desproporcionados”, porque son en efecto una respuesta anticipada y una respuesta todavía insuficiente a la existencia desnuda de los palestinos; frente a esta amenaza total lo único “proporcional” sería el asesinato de un millón, de cuatro millones, de ocho millones de palestinos. Israel, una vez más, se contiene y nosotros se lo agradecemos.
Desapareció la URSS y todos aplaudimos. Desapareció Yugoslavia y nos alegramos. Han desaparecido decenas de países –Checoslovaquia y Rhodesia y la Sudáfrica racista entre otros– y no ha ocurrido nada. ¿Por qué habría de ser criminal ahora reclamar la desaparición de un Estado criminal? No nos engañemos: la única solución al problema israelí, que amenaza la paz mundial, es la disolución del Estado de Israel. Demos luego libertad a los refugiados palestinos para volver a Palestina y libertad a los judíos ex israelíes para volver a sus países de origen y que a continuación la población restante funde un nuevo Estado laico, democrático y socialista. Se dirá que esta solución no es realista. Pero ¿fue realista la partición? ¿Fue realista la resolución 242 de la ONU? ¿Fueron realistas los claudicantes acuerdos de Oslo? ¿La Hoja de Ruta? ¿Anápolis? ¿La solución de los dos Estados? ¿La democratización ejemplar de Palestina? Los palestinos tendrán que ser aún más realistas si quieren ser aceptados por la comunidad internacional, tendrán que dejar de defenderse, tendrán que dejar de gritar, tendrán que dejar de llorar, tendrán que dejar de respirar. Si los límites del realismo los dicta Israel, y los avalan EE UU, la UE y los gobiernos árabes ancilares, no hay para los palestinos ninguna esperanza. Pero si realismo es igual a genocidio, si realismo es igual a injusticia radical y crimen ininterrumpido, si realismo significa tirar a la basura definitivamente el derecho internacional, los DD HH y la civilización más elemental, si realismo quiere decir desaparición sin esperanza del pueblo palestino, entonces los palestinos tienen todo el no-derecho del mundo –a fin de existir un minuto más o sencillamente para vengarse– de utilizar también todos los medios e incluso de matarle a usted y de matarme a mí, que no hemos hecho nada para impedir que Israel ponga a la humanidad entera fuera de sí misma y que hemos perdido de esa forma al derecho a protestar, escandalizarnos y moralizar. La palabra Holocausto –sacrificio total– encaja bastante bien en lo que Israel, EE UU, la UE y los gobiernos árabes ancilares le están haciendo a todo el mundo.
http://www.diagonalperiodico.net/spip.php?article7073
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